Discussion: Intersectional Analysis to an article

Discussion: Intersectional Analysis to an article ORDER NOW FOR CUSTOMIZED AND ORIGINAL ESSAY PAPERS ON Discussion: Intersectional Analysis to an article Media Framing of Female Athletes: Controlling Images Versus Women’s Self-Definitions pages 151-154. Discussion: Intersectional Analysis to an article and write two pages on which to apply a detailed intersectional analysis. The analysis should include a race, gender, and class perspective, as well as, the perspective of category X to be decided by the group. Asking the questions what, when, why, where, and how should be the foundation of the analysis. These questions should guide the analysis in each category where feasible. For example: What role does race play in the case? How does race influence the case? Who are the primary characters in the case and what are their races? What role does race play concerning the location of where the case takes place? Students will be graded on the depth of analysis in each category ( 5 points per category for a total of 20 points). There should be at least 1 piece of evidence to support the analysis per category for a total of at least 4 in-text citations (for a total of 10 points). Students will also be graded on grammar ( for a total of 10 points). attachment_1 Sociology of Sport Journal, 2010, 27, 139-159 © 2010 Human Kinetics, Inc. It’s Not About the Game: Don Imus, Race, Class, Gender and Sexuality in Contemporary Media Cheryl Cooky Purdue University Faye L. Wachs Cal Poly Pomona Michael Messner University of Southern California Shari L. Dworkin University of California, San Francisco Using intersectionality and hegemony theory, we critically analyze mainstream print news media’s response to Don Imus’ exchange on the 2007 NCAA women’s basketball championship game. Content and textual analysis reveals the following media frames: “invisibility and silence”; “controlling images versus women’s self-definitions”; and, “outside the frame: social issues in sport and society.” The paper situates these media frames within a broader societal context wherein 1) women’s sports are silenced, trivialized and sexualized, 2) media representations of African-American women in the U. S. have historically reproduced racism and sexism, and 3) race and class relations differentially shape dominant understandings of African-American women’s participation in sport. We conclude that news media reproduced monolithic understandings of social inequality, which lacked insight into the intersecting nature of oppression for women, both in sport and in the United States. En utilisant les théories de l’intersectionalité et de l’hégémonie, nous apportons une analyse critique de la réponse de la presse écrite à Don Imus et ses échanges au sujet de la finale du championnat de basketball féminin universitaire américain en Cooky is with Purdue University, Department of Health & Kinesiology and Women’s Studies, West Lafayette, IN. Wachs is with the Department of Psychology/Sociology, Cal Poly Pomona, Pomona, CA. Messner is with the University of Southern California, Department of Sociology, Los Angeles, CA. Dworkin is with the University of California, San Francisco, Department of Social and Behavioral Sciences, San Francisco, California. 139 140?? Cooky et al. 2007. L’analyse de contenu révèle les thèmes suivants : « invisibilité et silence », « le contrôle des images versus les autodéfinitions des sportives » et « hors cadre : les questions sociales en sport et en société ». L’article situe ces cadres médiatiques au sein d’un contexte social plus large qui 1) bâillonne, sexualise et rend trivial le sport féminin ; 2) contient des représentations médiatiques des femmes africaines-américaines qui ont historiquement reproduit le racisme et le sexisme ; et 3) contient des relations raciales et de classe qui marquent les compréhensions dominantes de la participation sportive des femmes africaines-américaines. Nous concluons que les médias ont reproduit des compréhensions monolithiques de l’inégalité sociale ; compréhensions qui ne permettent pas de voir les intersections de l’oppression (race, genre, classe) des femmes en sport et aux États-Unis. On Tuesday, April 3, 2007, the Rutgers University Scarlet Knights women’s basketball team squared off in the National Collegiate Athletic Association’s (NCAA) championship game against a perennial powerhouse, the University of Tennessee Volunteers. The following day, in a dialogue on Imus in the Morning, Don Imus, long-time radio talk show host/ “shock jock,” referred to the Rutgers University women’s basketball team as “nappy headed hos.” Later that day, Media Matters for America, an independent media watchdog group, posted the transcript on their website, flagging the commentary due to the blatant racism and sexism in the dialogue (“Imus called women’s basketball team ‘nappy headed hos,’ ” accessed October 16, 2007). Discussion: Intersectional Analysis to an article The following is the full transcript of the segment: IMUS: So, I watched the basketball game last night between–a little bit of Rutgers and Tennessee, the women’s final. ROSENBERG: Yeah, Tennessee won last night–seventh championship for [Tennessee coach] Pat Summitt, I-Man. They beat Rutgers by 13 points. IMUS: That’s some rough girls from Rutgers. Man, they got tattoos and– McGUIRK: Some hard-core hos. IMUS: That’s some nappy-headed hos there. I’m gonna tell you that now, man, that’s some–woo. And the girls from Tennessee, they all look cute, you know, so, like–kinda like–I don’t know. McGUIRK: A Spike Lee thing. IMUS: Yeah. McGUIRK: The Jigaboos vs. the Wannabes–that movie that he had. IMUS: Yeah, it was a tough – McCORD: Do The Right Thing. McGUIRK: Yeah, yeah, yeah. IMUS: I don’t know if I’d have wanted to beat Rutgers or not, but they did, right? It’s Not About the Game 141 ROSENBERG: It was a tough watch. The more I look at Rutgers, they look exactly like the Toronto Raptors. IMUS: Well, I guess, yeah. RUFFINO: Only tougher. McGUIRK: The [Memphis] Grizzlies would be more appropriate. This exchange exploded into a controversial, widely discussed and debated “media event,” the contours of which reveal important insights about sport and the role of mass media in constructing hegemonic notions of race, class, gender and sexuality. Following McDonald and Birrell (1999), we “read” Imus’ remark as a sport “event” wherein mediated ideologies of race, gender, sexuality and class are articulated. First we review the research on gender and race in sport media. A discussion of our theoretical framework and methodology follows. The paper then explores the dominant media frames through a content and textual analysis. We examine these frames to critique hegemonic ideologies embedded in culturally relevant texts. We suggest possible “counter-narratives” of the Imus media event that offer “resistant political possibilities” (McDonald & Birrell, 1999, p. 295). The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of the media framings of the Imus/ Rutgers controversy and asks what role the “sport-media complex” plays in the overall construction of these ideologies (Jhally, 1984). Gender, Race, Sport and the Media The Imus dialogue on Rutgers University highlighted the ways in which female athletes continue to struggle to receive respectful, quality coverage of their sport in mainstream news media. Research on the mainstream news media coverage of women’s sport continually shows that representations of the female athlete are, “contested ideological terrain” (Messner, 1988). Sociologists of sport have long noted the lack of coverage of women’s sport in mainstream news media, more importantly the lack of respectful, serious coverage of women’s sport, especially for female athletes of Color (Douglas, 2005; Douglas & Jamieson, 2006; Lansbury, 2001; McKay & Johnson, 2008; Schultz, 2005), in mainstream print media (Bishop, 2003; Christopherson, Janning, McConnell, 2002; Eastman & Billings, 2000; Eastman & Billings, 1999; Pratt, Grappendorf, Grundvig, & LeBlanc, 2008; Vincent, 2004; Vincent & Crossman, 2008; Urquhart & Crossman, 1999) and in mainstream televised media (Daddario & Wigley, 2007; Duncan & Hasbrook, 1988; Messner, Duncan, & Willms, 2006). Despite attempts to educate the U. S. mainstream news media regarding stereotypical coverage of women’s sport, there are consistent patterns that persist over time. As longitudinal research on the televised news media coverage demonstrates, women’s sport is consistently ignored (Messner, Duncan & Willms, 2006; Messner, Duncan & Cooky, 2003). Discussion: Intersectional Analysis to an article Research has found that the amount of coverage in local news and national sports highlight programs, approximately 3–8% of the coverage is on women’s sport (Messner, Duncan & Willms, 2006). Even when the media do cover women’s sport, the coverage often trivializes women’s athleticism and 142?? Cooky et al. hetero-sexualizes female athletes (Heywood & Dworkin, 2003; Christopherson, et al., 2002; Messner, 2002). Research on newspaper coverage of the Wimbledon championships in 2000 found that while the amount of coverage of the men’s and women’s events was relatively equal, the quality of coverage differed: the mostly male journalists who covered the tournaments devalued the athletic accomplishments of female tennis players by using cultural and racial stereotypes, trivialization, and sexual innuendo (Vincent, 2004). These trends in the coverage of women’s sport, and specifically of African-American female athletes, are not new to the post-Title IX generation. In her analysis of the print news media coverage of Alice Coachman and Althea Gibson, Lansbury (2001) found white newspapers trivialized African-American women’s participation in sport, either by failing to cover the accomplishments of the athletes or by framing the athletes as masculine. Research on contemporary media representations of African-American female athletes has focused on African-American women’s participation in individual sport like tennis, especially mediated representations of Venus and Serena Williams (Douglas 2005; Schultz, 2005; Spencer, 2004). Indeed this is logical given the American public’s fascination with female athletes in individual sports, and their feminine beauty not athletic skill (Banet-Weiser, 1999a). This fascination is constructed, in part, by the media coverage of women’s sport. However, when athletes are nonwhite, race in media representations also becomes salient. Douglas’ (2005) analysis of the media coverage of the 2001 Indian Wells tennis tournament and the 2003 French Open, found that the media’s “raceless” explanations for the hostile reception of the Williams’ sisters rendered race and white privilege invisible and upheld the marking of tennis as a “white” sport. Schultz (2005) argues the popular media’s representations of Serena Williams during the 2002 U. S. Open were, “located within racialized discourses” (p.338) albeit through the oppositional rhetoric that position Serena Williams against other white athletes on the tour. For Schultz (2005), blackness in the media coverage of the 2002 U.S. Open is “constructed in contrast with discussions of normalized, white female tennis athletes” (p. 339). More recently, McKay and Johnson (2008) examine mainstream media coverage of Venus and Serena Williams and show how, in the past, sport media has “othered” women as “objects of ridicule, inferiority and weakness…but currently is searching for new ways to disparage the powerful and therefore ‘uppity’ African-American sportswomen” (p. 492). They argue that despite the Williams sisters’ unprecedented success in professional tennis, the mainstream sport media discursively positioned their bodies as simultaneously sexually grotesque and pornographically erotic. Female athletes in basketball, and presumably other team sports, have to negotiate a “contradictory set of cultural images” (Banet-Weiser, 1999a). As scholars have long noted, women’s participation in sport, and in particular team sport, is frequently accompanied by a questioning of the (hetero)sexuality of athletes (Cahn, 1994; Griffin, 1998). This is in part due to the fact that, unlike individual sports such as tennis and gymnastics, participation in a team contact sport like basketball is viewed in U. S. culture as a “masculine” endeavor (Banet-Weiser, 1999a). Discussion: Intersectional Analysis to an article Thus, female athletes are often confronted with cultural assumptions regarding their lack of femininity, and thus their lack of heterosexuality (Banet-Weiser, 1999a). These cultural assumptions regarding women’s sport participation contribute to particular mediated representations of female athletes. For example, the WNBA’s marketing It’s Not About the Game 143 strategy revolved around highlighting the heterosexual, emphasized femininity of WNBA players, as models, mothers or the girl-next-door (Banet-Weiser, 1999a; McPherson, 2000). In her analysis of the WNBA web site, McPherson (2000) found that the players’ familial relationships, ties, and responsibilities were highlighted. She argues this is not simply about rearticulating female athleticism within the domestic context; rather it produces racialized narratives of black femininity. Thus, the negotiation of the contradictions in women’s sport participation differs qualitatively for African-American female athletes given the ways in which AfricanAmerican women have long been portrayed in the media, and specifically sports media, as both hyper-sexualized and less feminine. As a result, African-American female athletes are subject to particular “controlling images” in the media (Cahn, 1994; Collins, 1990). As critical media scholars argue, basketball is a cultural site wherein blackness is both invisible and hyper-visible (Banet-Weiser, 1999a; McPherson, 2000). Given the popularity of women’s basketball and the fact that African-American female athletes are overrepresented in basketball at the collegiate level (Smith, 1992), this study provides an analysis of media representations of female athletes in team sport contexts. As noted above, previous research reveals the agency of the media in shaping discourses of sport and female athletes in ways that are implicitly about race, gender, and sexuality. Building upon this research (Banet-Weiser, 1999a; Douglas & Jamieson, 2006; McDonald & Birrell, 1999; Schultz, 2005), we argue that media representations of female athletes of Color cannot be analyzed outside of a consideration of the simultaneous, interlocking forms of oppression (gender, race, sexuality, class). This study differs from prior research in that we examine not only the framing or representation of a predominantly African-American female team (here the Rutgers University women’s basketball team) but also the media’s framing of other key figures and the ways in which the media contextualized the “nappy headed hos” dialogue, a comment that is simultaneously raced, gendered, and sexualized. Therefore, we explore not only the media’s representation, or framing, of African-American female athletes (as the Rutgers team became racialized as “Black” through the dialogue, despite the racial identities of individual players, of whom several were white), but also whose voices were heard in the mainstream news media’s framing of the event. Thus, Collins’ (1990) concept of representations of Black women, “controlling images,” and her theory of intersectionality shed light on how multiple identities (race, gender, class, sexuality), privilege, and oppression converge in the media event (McDonald & Thomas, in press; Wingfield 2008). Theoretical Framework According to Gramsci (1971), social order is maintained through a dynamic process of coercion and consent whereby dominant groups produce dominant cultural beliefs, called hegemonic ideologies, and subordinated groups to consent to structural conditions that may be oppressive given the power of hegemonic ideologies. For Gramsci, consent is secured through the “cultural leadership of the dominant grouping” (Curran, 2006 p. 132). In the United States, the media operate as a part of this cultural leadership, particularly when the lines between the corporate elite and the media elite are increasingly blurred (Curran, 2006). Discussion: Intersectional Analysis to an article Ideologies thus become “naturalized” or a part of common sense, taken-for-granted understandings. 144?? Cooky et al. However, Gramsci also recognized that subordinated groups can choose to oppose hegemonic dominance by creating alternative understandings of society that connect to people’s social experiences and identities (Curran, 2006). Patricia Hill Collins’ theoretical framework was informed by Gramscian theories on the dynamics of domination and power in societies. Building upon Gramsci’s hegemony theory, Collins (1990) argued that dominant groups control social institutions in society, such as schools, the media and popular culture, which produce controlling images that are rife with stereotypes about subordinated groups. These controlling images are not passively accepted by marginalized groups, as there are cultures of resistance within subordinated communities. Collins (1990) explained: “Subjugated knowledges…develop in cultural contexts controlled by oppressed groups. Dominant groups aim to replace subjugated knowledges with their own specialized thought because they realize that gaining control over this dimension of subordinate groups’ lives amplifies control” (p. 228). At the same time, Collins recognized there are segments of subordinated communities that internalize and perpetuate dominant ideologies. Thus, the processes of domination and oppression are complex. The result is, “African-American women find themselves in a web of cross-cutting relationships, each presenting varying combinations of controlling images and women’s self-definitions” (Collins, 1990 p. 96). The concept of intersectionality (Collins, 1990) refers to this “web of crosscutting relationships” taking into account how various forms of oppression (e.g., race, class, gender, sexuality) interlock with one another. As such, “both/and perspectives,” rather than “either/or perspectives,” of social locations are used to understand the ways in which individuals (and social institutions) are situated within interlocking forms of privilege/dominance and oppression/ subordination. Therefore, we analyzed the Imus/Rutgers University controversy and the subsequent media framings to explore the tensions between the “controlling images” of African-American women as “nappy-headed hos” and “women’s self definitions,” of “young ladies of class.” The Rutgers coach, players, and women’s groups provided counter-hegemonic discourses on African-American women. Collins’ theoretical framework allows consideration of how subordinate groups assert agency, despite a lack of institutional access or power, to also shape the media frames of the event.Discussion: Intersectional Analysis to an article Thus, this study critically analyzes the construction of media events by mainstream news print media to understand the “complex interrelated and fluid character of power relations” as they are constructed along axes of difference (McDonald & Birrell, 1999, p. 284). Methods Following Hall (2000), we acknowledge media frames are both constructed within raced, classed, and gendered hierarchical relations of power and are read within those very same systems of domination. Also building upon Gramscian theories of hegemony, Hall (2000) developed theoretical and methodological frameworks for understanding how meanings are produced and consumed. As Hall notes, meanings are constructed through and within hierarchical structures of power wherein the preferred meanings, or the meanings intended by the producer, “have institutional, political and ideological power imprinted in them, and themselves It’s Not About the Game 145 become institutionalized” (Hall 2000, p. 57). As such, preferred readings often limit the possible meanings encoded in texts by producers and thus limit the possible readings decoded by audiences (Hall, 2000; Hunt, 1999). Through a textual analysis, researchers can uncover both the denotative and connotative meanings of texts (Hall, 2000). From this methodological perspective, the media are viewed as creating and recreating narratives that can be linked to dominant ideas, or ideologies, that circulate in wider society. Content analysis involves a systematic, quantitative analysis of content, usually texts, images, or other symbolic matter (Krippendorff, 2004). According to Payne and Payne (2004), “content analysis seeks to demonstrate the meaning of written or visual sources by systematically allocating their content to pre-determined, detailed categories and then both quantifying and interpreting the outcomes” (p. 51). It generally involves the researcher determining the presence, meanings, and relationships of certain words or concepts within the text. We … Get a 10 % discount on an order above $ 100 Use the following coupon code : NURSING10

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